奥巴马就利比亚问题发表全国演讲

National Defense University, Washington, D.C. 7:31 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Tonight, I’d like to update the American people on theinternational effort that we have led in Libya - what we’ve done, what weplan to do, and why this matters to us.

I want to begin by paying tribute to our men and women in uniform who,once again, have acted with courage, professionalism and patriotism. Theyhave moved with incredible speed and strength. Because of them and ourdedicated diplomats, a coalition has been forged and countless lives havebeen saved.

Meanwhile, as we speak, our troops are supporting our ally Japan, leavingIraq to its people, stopping the Taliban’s momentum in Afghanistan, andgoing after al Qaeda all across the globe. As Commander-in-Chief, I’mgrateful to our soldiers, sailors, airmen, Marines, Coast Guardsmen, and totheir families. And I know all Americans share in that sentiment.

For generations, the United States of America has played a unique role as ananchor of global security and as an advocate for human freedom. Mindful ofthe risks and costs of military action, we are naturally reluctant to use force tosolve the world’s many challenges. But when our interests and values are atstake, we have a responsibility to act. That’s what happened in Libya over thecourse of these last six weeks.

Libya sits directly between Tunisia and Egypt -– two nations that inspired theworld when their people rose up to take control of their own destiny. Formore than four decades, the Libyan people have been ruled by a tyrant -–Muammar Qaddafi. He has denied his people freedom, exploited their wealth,murdered opponents at home and abroad, and terrorized innocent peoplearound the world –- including Americans who were killed by Libyan agents.Last month, Qaddafi’s grip of fear appeared to give way to the promise offreedom. In cities and towns across the country, Libyans took to the streets toclaim their basic human rights. As one Libyan said, “For the first time wefinally have hope that our nightmare of 40 years will soon be over.”

Faced with this opposition, Qaddafi began attacking his people. As President,my immediate concern was the safety of our citizens, so we evacuated ourembassy and all Americans who sought our assistance. Then we took a seriesof swift steps in a matter of days to answer Qaddafi’s aggression. We frozemore than $33 billion of Qaddafi’s regime’s assets. Joining with other nationsat the United Nations Security Council, we broadened our sanctions, imposed

an arms embargo, and enabled Qaddafi and those around him to be heldaccountable for their crimes. I made it clear that Qaddafi had lost theconfidence of his people and the legitimacy to lead, and I said that he neededto step down from power.

In the face of the world’s condemnation, Qaddafi chose to escalate hisattacks, launching a military campaign against the Libyan people. Innocentpeople were targeted for killing. Hospitals and ambulances were attacked.Journalists were arrested, sexually assaulted, and killed. Supplies of food andfuel were choked off. Water for hundreds of thousands of people in Misuratawas shut off. Cities and towns were shelled, mosques were destroyed, andapartment buildings reduced to rubble. Military jets and helicopter gunshipswere unleashed upon people who had no means to defend themselves againstassaults from the air.

Confronted by this brutal repression and a looming humanitarian crisis, Iordered warships into the Mediterranean. European allies declared theirwillingness to commit resources to stop the killing. The Libyan oppositionand the Arab League appealed to the world to save lives in Libya. And so atmy direction, America led an effort with our allies at the United NationsSecurity Council to pass a historic resolution that authorized a no-fly zone tostop the regime’s attacks from the air, and further authorized all necessarymeasures to protect the Libyan people.

Ten days ago, having tried to end the violence without using force, theinternational community offered Qaddafi a final chance to stop his campaignof killing, or face the consequences. Rather than stand down, his forcescontinued their advance, bearing down on the city of Benghazi, home tonearly 700,000 men, women and children who sought their freedom fromfear.

At this point, the United States and the world faced a choice. Qaddafideclared he would show “no mercy” to his own people. He compared them torats, and threatened to go door to door to inflict punishment. In the past, wehave seen him hang civilians in the streets, and kill over a thousand people ina single day. Now we saw regime forces on the outskirts of the city. We knewthat if we wanted -- if we waited one more day, Benghazi, a city nearly thesize of Charlotte, could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated acrossthe region and stained the conscience of the world.

It was not in our national interest to let that happen. I refused to let thathappen. And so nine days ago, after consulting the bipartisan leadership of

Congress, I authorized military action to stop the killing and enforce U.N.Security Council Resolution 1973.

We struck regime forces approaching Benghazi to save that city and thepeople within it. We hit Qaddafi’s troops in neighboring Ajdabiya, allowingthe opposition to drive them out. We hit Qaddafi’s air defenses, which pavedthe way for a no-fly zone. We targeted tanks and military assets that had beenchoking off towns and cities, and we cut off much of their source of supply.And tonight, I can report that we have stopped Qaddafi’s deadly advance.In this effort, the United States has not acted alone. Instead, we have beenjoined by a strong and growing coalition. This includes our closest allies -–nations like the United Kingdom, France, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Italy,Spain, Greece, and Turkey –- all of whom have fought by our sides fordecades. And it includes Arab partners like Qatar and the United ArabEmirates, who have chosen to meet their responsibilities to defend the Libyanpeople.

To summarize, then: In just one month, the United States has worked withour international partners to mobilize a broad coalition, secure aninternational mandate to protect civilians, stop an advancing army, prevent amassacre, and establish a no-fly zone with our allies and partners. To lendsome perspective on how rapidly this military and diplomatic response cametogether, when people were being brutalized in Bosnia in the 1990s, it tookthe international community more than a year to intervene with air power toprotect civilians. It took us 31 days.

Moreover, we’ve accomplished these objectives consistent with the pledgethat I made to the American people at the outset of our military operations. Isaid that America’s role would be limited; that we would not put groundtroops into Libya; that we would focus our unique capabilities on the frontend of the operation and that we would transfer responsibility to our alliesand partners. Tonight, we are fulfilling that pledge.

Our most effective alliance, NATO, has taken command of the enforcementof the arms embargo and the no-fly zone. Last night, NATO decided to takeon the additional responsibility of protecting Libyan civilians. This transferfrom the United States to NATO will take place on Wednesday. Goingforward, the lead in enforcing the no-fly zone and protecting civilians on theground will transition to our allies and partners, and I am fully confident thatour coalition will keep the pressure on Qaddafi’s remaining forces.

In that effort, the United States will play a supporting role -- including

intelligence, logistical support, search and rescue assistance, and capabilitiesto jam regime communications. Because of this transition to a broader,NATO-based coalition, the risk and cost of this operation -- to our militaryand to American taxpayers -- will be reduced significantly.

So for those who doubted our capacity to carry out this operation, I want tobe clear: The United States of America has done what we said we would do.That’s not to say that our work is complete. In addition to our NATOresponsibilities, we will work with the international community to provideassistance to the people of Libya, who need food for the hungry and medicalcare for the wounded. We will safeguard the more than $33 billion that wasfrozen from the Qaddafi regime so that it’s available to rebuild Libya. Afterall, the money doesn’t belong to Qaddafi or to us -- it belongs to the Libyanpeople. And we’ll make sure they receive it.

Tomorrow, Secretary Clinton will go to London, where she will meet withthe Libyan opposition and consult with more than 30 nations. Thesediscussions will focus on what kind of political effort is necessary to pressureQaddafi, while also supporting a transition to the future that the Libyanpeople deserve -- because while our military mission is narrowly focused onsaving lives, we continue to pursue the broader goal of a Libya that belongsnot to a dictator, but to its people.

Now, despite the success of our efforts over the past week, I know that someAmericans continue to have questions about our efforts in Libya. Qaddafi hasnot yet stepped down from power, and until he does, Libya will remaindangerous. Moreover, even after Qaddafi does leave power, 40 years oftyranny has left Libya fractured and without strong civil institutions. Thetransition to a legitimate government that is responsive to the Libyan peoplewill be a difficult task. And while the United States will do our part to help, itwill be a task for the international community and –- more importantly –- atask for the Libyan people themselves.

In fact, much of the debate in Washington has put forward a false choicewhen it comes to Libya. On the one hand, some question why Americashould intervene at all -– even in limited ways –- in this distant land. Theyargue that there are many places in the world where innocent civilians facebrutal violence at the hands of their government, and America should not beexpected to police the world, particularly when we have so many pressingneeds here at home.

It’s true that America cannot use our military wherever repression occurs.

And given the costs and risks of intervention, we must always measure ourinterests against the need for action. But that cannot be an argument for neveracting on behalf of what’s right. In this particular country -– Libya -- at thisparticular moment, we were faced with the prospect of violence on a horrificscale. We had a unique ability to stop that violence: an international mandatefor action, a broad coalition prepared to join us, the support of Arabcountries, and a plea for help from the Libyan people themselves. We alsohad the ability to stop Qaddafi’s forces in their tracks without puttingAmerican troops on the ground.

To brush aside America’s responsibility as a leader and -– more profoundly-– our responsibilities to our fellow human beings under such circumstanceswould have been a betrayal of who we are. Some nations may be able to turna blind eye to atrocities in other countries. The United States of America isdifferent. And as President, I refused to wait for the images of slaughter andmass graves before taking action.

Moreover, America has an important strategic interest in preventing Qaddafifrom overrunning those who oppose him. A massacre would have driventhousands of additional refugees across Libya’s borders, putting enormousstrains on the peaceful –- yet fragile -– transitions in Egypt and Tunisia. Thedemocratic impulses that are dawning across the region would be eclipsed bythe darkest form of dictatorship, as repressive leaders concluded that violenceis the best strategy to cling to power. The writ of the United Nations SecurityCouncil would have been shown to be little more than empty words, cripplingthat institution’s future credibility to uphold global peace and security. Sowhile I will never minimize the costs involved in military action, I amconvinced that a failure to act in Libya would have carried a far greater pricefor America.

Now, just as there are those who have argued against intervention in Libya,there are others who have suggested that we broaden our military missionbeyond the task of protecting the Libyan people, and do whatever it takes tobring down Qaddafi and usher in a new government.

Of course, there is no question that Libya -– and the world –- would be betteroff with Qaddafi out of power. I, along with many other world leaders, haveembraced that goal, and will actively pursue it through non-military means.But broadening our military mission to include regime change would be amistake.

The task that I assigned our forces -– to protect the Libyan people from

immediate danger, and to establish a no-fly zone -– carries with it a U.N.mandate and international support. It’s also what the Libyan opposition askedus to do. If we tried to overthrow Qaddafi by force, our coalition wouldsplinter. We would likely have to put U.S. troops on the ground toaccomplish that mission, or risk killing many civilians from the air. Thedangers faced by our men and women in uniform would be far greater. Sowould the costs and our share of the responsibility for what comes next.

To be blunt, we went down that road in Iraq. Thanks to the extraordinarysacrifices of our troops and the determination of our diplomats, we arehopeful about Iraq’s future. But regime change there took eight years,thousands of American and Iraqi lives, and nearly a trillion dollars. That isnot something we can afford to repeat in Libya.

As the bulk of our military effort ratchets down, what we can do -- and willdo -- is support the aspirations of the Libyan people. We have intervened tostop a massacre, and we will work with our allies and partners to maintain thesafety of civilians. We will deny the regime arms, cut off its supplies of cash,assist the opposition, and work with other nations to hasten the day whenQaddafi leaves power. It may not happen overnight, as a badly weakenedQaddafi tries desperately to hang on to power. But it should be clear to thosearound Qaddafi, and to every Libyan, that history is not on Qaddafi’s side.With the time and space that we have provided for the Libyan people, theywill be able to determine their own destiny, and that is how it should be.

Let me close by addressing what this action says about the use of America’smilitary power, and America’s broader leadership in the world, under mypresidency.

As Commander-in-Chief, I have no greater responsibility than keeping thiscountry safe. And no decision weighs on me more than when to deploy ourmen and women in uniform. I’ve made it clear that I will never hesitate to useour military swiftly, decisively, and unilaterally when necessary to defendour people, our homeland, our allies and our core interests. That's why we’regoing after al Qaeda wherever they seek a foothold. That is why we continueto fight in Afghanistan, even as we have ended our combat mission in Iraqand removed more than 100,000 troops from that country.

There will be times, though, when our safety is not directly threatened, butour interests and our values are. Sometimes, the course of history poseschallenges that threaten our common humanity and our common security -–responding to natural disasters, for example; or preventing genocide and

keeping the peace; ensuring regional security, and maintaining the flow ofcommerce. These may not be America’s problems alone, but they areimportant to us. They’re problems worth solving. And in these circumstances,we know that the United States, as the world’s most powerful nation, willoften be called upon to help.

In such cases, we should not be afraid to act -– but the burden of actionshould not be America’s alone. As we have in Libya, our task is instead tomobilize the international community for collective action. Because contraryto the claims of some, American leadership is not simply a matter of going italone and bearing all of the burden ourselves. Real leadership creates theconditions and coalitions for others to step up as well; to work with allies andpartners so that they bear their share of the burden and pay their share of thecosts; and to see that the principles of justice and human dignity are upheldby all.

That’s the kind of leadership we’ve shown in Libya. Of course, even whenwe act as part of a coalition, the risks of any military action will be high.Those risks were realized when one of our planes malfunctioned over Libya.Yet when one of our airmen parachuted to the ground, in a country whoseleader has so often demonized the United States –- in a region that has such adifficult history with our country –- this American did not find enemies.Instead, he was met by people who embraced him. One young Libyan whocame to his aid said, “We are your friends. We are so grateful to those menwho are protecting the skies.”

This voice is just one of many in a region where a new generation is refusingto be denied their rights and opportunities any longer.

Yes, this change will make the world more complicated for a time. Progresswill be uneven, and change will come differently to different countries. Thereare places, like Egypt, where this change will inspire us and raise our hopes.And then there will be places, like Iran, where change is fiercely suppressed.The dark forces of civil conflict and sectarian war will have to be averted,and difficult political and economic concerns will have to be addressed.

The United States will not be able to dictate the pace and scope of thischange. Only the people of the region can do that. But we can make adifference.

I believe that this movement of change cannot be turned back, and that wemust stand alongside those who believe in the same core principles that haveguided us through many storms: our opposition to violence directed at one’s

own people; our support for a set of universal rights, including the freedomfor people to express themselves and choose their leaders; our support forgovernments that are ultimately responsive to the aspirations of the people.Born, as we are, out of a revolution by those who longed to be free, wewelcome the fact that history is on the move in the Middle East and NorthAfrica, and that young people are leading the way. Because wherever peoplelong to be free, they will find a friend in the United States. Ultimately, it isthat faith -- those ideals -- that are the true measure of American leadership.My fellow Americans, I know that at a time of upheaval overseas -- when thenews is filled with conflict and change -- it can be tempting to turn awayfrom the world. And as I’ve said before, our strength abroad is anchored inour strength here at home. That must always be our North Star -- the abilityof our people to reach their potential, to make wise choices with ourresources, to enlarge the prosperity that serves as a wellspring for our power,and to live the values that we hold so dear.

But let us also remember that for generations, we have done the hard work ofprotecting our own people, as well as millions around the globe. We havedone so because we know that our own future is safer, our own future isbrighter, if more of mankind can live with the bright light of freedom anddignity.

Tonight, let us give thanks for the Americans who are serving through thesetrying times, and the coalition that is carrying our effort forward. And let uslook to the future with confidence and hope not only for our own country, butfor all those yearning for freedom around the world.

Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.Thank you.